That is why I said only within a society which recognizes [rights] are they of any value.
Great, then we can move past this statement:
Without a governing body, rights would either
not exist or would not matter.
Yes, that was my point. You were responding to me saying "I think
you realize that the overwhelming majority of people throughout human
history have never lived nor wanted to live in a voluntary society, so I don't find utility in using the NAP as a metric for public policy." I repeat, the NAP is not valuable to me regarding U.S. law.
Which part of your statement did I embolden when first addressing your epistemological limit? Why would you assume the statement focused on your sense of the NAP's utility?
I've already agreed to that.
With the proviso that your impression is reasonable, and it's not.
I've agreed, but we do know based on the historical documents and other
artifacts throughout human history by means of literature, story
telling, media, written publications, tools, weapons, protest, lawsuits,
war, riots, elections, polling, art, and other kinds of politicking or
demonstration that there has never been a mass movement calling for
individual rights absent of any government.
Which historical documents, artifacts, literature, storytelling, media, written publications, tools, weapons, protest, lawsuits, war, riots, elections, polling, art, and other kinds of politicking?
Voluntaryism has never been a widespread nor common philosophical ideal
or moral value through any observable metric we can defer to as far as
discerning popular political advocacy.
No metric can provide you information on what a majority of people wanted--and yes that includes demonstrations, movements, literature, and all other artifacts yet to be determined. Again, it is not within your epistemological limit. Stating that an overwhelming majority of people don't want Anarchy, for example, would be just as irrational as my stating that they do.
I don't see the use in harping on this at all as far as our conversation
re: abortion. You can dismiss the fact that anarchism has never been a
widespread ideal as an irrelevant fact to its moral legitimacy;
You have yet to provide information on its relevancy. And this is important: sound reason informs moral legitimacy, not "ad populum" arguments.
however, I was not making that claim.
Until just now.
This was me saying the NAP is its own conversation--one I'm more than willing to have. Just not here.
Fair enough.
I said multiple times it's true I cannot literally know what the
majority of people think or feel, yet I have justified my comment by
explaining that my inference about people's feelings was not only
reasonable but irrelevant (a red herring) to my point about the futile
nature of discussing the NAP as a metric for public policy.
I'm not investigating the measures you use in formulating your impressions, only the measures behind what you claim to know. And since you've conceded that you don't know, I can point it out to you with the intention of having you adjust your argument--particularly eliminating irrational details.
That's fine, but it's very relevant to this conversation. It proves
that being human and even being a born human does not mean all should
have equal rights and equal status at all times, and there can be
justifiable intervention by an outside party in some cases that are
nuanced.
I'm not suggesting that it's irrelevant. I'm avoiding derailing the topic should we get into, for example, the bodily autonomy of minors. Again, it's not a conversation I'm unwilling to have, just one that I think will inevitably move the subject away from Abortion.
There's no caveat regarding the separation from one's body. I noted that
sometimes stewardship is appropriate over other people's bodies despite
the fact that one's body is always their own (though I guess that
changes after death).
Okay, let's stress-test this: if a 14 year-old girl wants to have an abortion, should she be able to exercise her bodily autonomy and get an abortion or should she be subject to the authority of her stewards, whether that be her parents or State?
Why does it undermine the principle of self-ownership? Why can't a principle have limits and leave room for nuance or gradation, at least as far as governance within a society goes?
Moral principles are posited axioms; fundamental; they serve as the basis of abstract reasoning. If you subject them to circumstance or gradation, then that is essentially tantamount to the proposition that circumstance/gradation precede concepts which, once again, express 0th ordered logic.What comes before the fundamental?
Does a 6 year old really have the same agency as a 30 year old as far
as moral culpability for crimes and therefore warrant the same
punishment?
Look at Florida.
Should a 3 year old be allowed to have a permanent sex change if they express interest?
I wouldn't touch this with a 60 yard stick. But I'll say this: what are you expressing when you endorse the State's authority to dictate how a three year-old expresses him or herself sexually? If the State has the authority to prevent or prohibit permanent sex changes among three year-olds, then why does that authority also not permit them to coerce three year-olds into permanent sex changes?
If a two year old does not object to having naked photos of them taken
or distributed, should that be something society allows even though
prohibiting it is a clear violation of self ownership and free
association?
Again, not with a 60 yard stick. But I extend my query about State authority. Does that authority not also allow them to coerce the distributions of said naked photos?
The entire purpose of law enforcement / government / societies that
people choose to live in and to associate with is to uphold policies
with positive consequences and not just a unilateral principle of
self-ownership or property.
"Positive consequences" is subject to the interpretation of those who have a stake in those consequences. In other words, what YOU find positive, may not be deemed positive by another. And that's okay, because PRINCIPLE would delineate, for example, that your individual interests and interpretations as it concerns you and yours are subject to the discretion and prerogative of no one other than you.
The number of examples of where I could see disparate application of
rights applied in a given scenario being reasonable and fair -- two very
justifiable goals for good governance -- are enormous, and I'm sure
you've been presented with many, many examples of abhorrent things you
have to defend to remain logically consistent such as no age of consent
laws.
Because "propriety" =/= consistent moral framework.
I disagree with you that an inconsistent application of premises
renders it subject to inconsistency and therefore subsequent moral
insignificance.
So inconsistency =/= inconsistency? Even if your argument is that inconsistent application =/= moral insignificance, you have yet to inform the significance much less the legitimacy of this inconsistent application.
I disagree that people anyone submitting to the concept + force of
government necessarily concedes to accepting all government force as
legitimate by extension.
The focus is not on whether you accept all applications of government force, but that YOU ACCEPT THEIR AUTHORITY to apply it.
The factors and variables that have an actual impact.
Such as?
Well there is a government in the sense (definition) of having specific
people
Politicians, police, and military who instill an "idea."
and/or laws in place that people within society are beholden to
whether they agree with them or not.
Laws to which people are beholden aren't ideas?
The empowered people and policies colloquially known as 'government'
determine how law enforcement interacts with citizens within society
based on all kinds of variables.
Empowered by what? An idea.
While I might find the application of laws or governing bodies to be
illogical and/ or immoral, that makes no difference as to my being
subject to their power.
Powered by the threat of deadly force, which is an idea. The consequences are material, i.e. death, but the influence is still an idea. One could always confront the consequences, thus providing a reprieve to subjugation. Hence, "making a difference." Here's the thing: It doesn't take much moral analysis to examine an organization that seeks death as a consequence to dissent or rebellion.
In that sense, government is not just an idea;
Yes it is.
it is a body of ideas being enforced in practice.
Which ideas? What service does the government actually provide other than pandering to prejudice? Protection? Defense? What would actually be disrupted if the government were no longer present and all public goods and services were handled privately? The only difference, Danielle, is the idea behind it.
The kind that are too busy for online forums and have more real world influence than justifies their attention to engage.
But if I were "too busy" for online forums, how would you and I be having this exchange where you attempt to qualify my statements and responses by some contrived juxtaposition between "online intellectual contrarians" and "influential real world intellectuals"?
Fair enough, but I'm confident the alternative would have outcomes that make society far worse off in many ways.
Worse, how?
Yes, but you also asked "Because the interpretation of nine government
goons 'matters more' than the individual, even if the burden of that
concern rests solely on said individual?" implying that my deference to
Supreme Court precedent was illogical or misplaced in this
conversation.
It is.
Whether or not the existence of those bodies is morally just has no
bearing on the fact that they do exist, that they are empowered, and
they will impact my life, family and livelihood.
Once again, what is law without moral economy? What is the reason behind our "should's" and "should nots"? I do not presume to deny that the Supreme Court exists, is empowered, and has impact any more than I would admit that our discussions on this forum have any effect on gubernatorial referendums that concern Abortion.
Some type of black hole time suck.
So when we're on here discussing subjects and topics, why would the "real world" qualify or modify my statements any more than it would yours?
That's a cute name.
I know, right? They'd be quite effective, too--as many private mediations are--but don't fooled by their unassuming nomenclature.
And how would society stop greater alliances or more powerful entities from dominating the smaller, weaker and less powerful?
Why would, as you put it, "a
world primarily based on property + individual rights + free market and
voluntaryism" have concerns of "great alliances" and "more powerful entities"?
Because I think the way people engage with each other would be even
more of a clusterfuck than it is now in terms of trade, labor, property
and other disputes. Because I think the outcomes would be very
undesirable (unfair, unwise or unjust). Etc.
How so?
I agree, that is the beauty of a free market although there is some ugliness to it as well.
What ugliness?