Restrictions on Abortion

Author: thett3

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Athias
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@Danielle
What I meant is that while rights are moral concepts,  in a free society it is not the place of some to impose their moral standards on others any more than is required for the society to reasonably function. In other words we cannot regulate or criminalize everything we find to be immoral. Some examples of things I find immoral that should not be illegal includes, but is not limited to, being filthy rich and not philanthropic; disowning someone for being LGBT; disregarding the physical and emotional needs of elderly family members; showing favoritism to one child over another;  being a disrespectful little bitch; etc.
Morality =/= personally preferred "propriety."


SkepticalOne
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@Danielle
What I meant is that while rights are moral concepts,  in a free society it is not the place of some to impose their moral standards on others any more than is required for the society to reasonably function. In other words we cannot regulate or criminalize everything we find to be immoral. Some examples of things I find immoral that should not be illegal includes, but is not limited to, being filthy rich and not philanthropic; disowning someone for being LGBT; disregarding the physical and emotional needs of elderly family members; showing favoritism to one child over another;  being a disrespectful little bitch; etc.
Well spoken.
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@Danielle
@SkepticalOne
Societies have functioned with slavery, pedophilia, gladiatorial combat, the burning of witches, genocides upon other societies, child sacrifice, burning of widows, so on so forth?

I see a functioning society as good,
But I'd not put 'all my morals aside for the sake of function.
Danielle
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@Athias
what were you indicating?
Rights are a product of society and culture (government), meaning government which is also a product of society and culture establishes  and enforces those rights. Without a governing body, rights would either not exist or would not matter. 



Any rationale inconsistent with its own premise is not reasonable, regardless of how "selective" the rationale's conceiver is.
What is the rationale and premise behind your moral view on rights and government? 


 
Knowing what someone wants--especially a person with whom you don't even remotely have an intimate relationship--is beyond your epistemological limits. It's not a red herring; it's a statement.
And yet it is reasonable to make inferences based on context clues like I said. If my partner complains of feeling very full, and I say "I know you don't want to eat right now," my statement may not be fully known but it is not illogical, not irrational and not irrelevant. You choosing to focus on the epistemological limitations of human knowledge rather than my point (that the NAP is not valuable to me as a pinnacle of morality or U.S. law) seems like a red herring to me. 


Can't argue much here. Though...

That's the thing: there's a "though" that is reasonable. 



Selectively.

That's right. For instance respecting bodily integrity, but understanding why that might not extend to everyone (say, toddlers) is not unreasonable to me. It's reasonable to recognize the distinction and epistemological limitations of people (say, toddlers or the impaired or the insane, etc.) and consider how that impacts their rights, especially if you think rights are primarily a product of a reason. Isn't that why they are uniquely human? Given the significant limitations of a toddler's ability to reason, why would we find it morally acceptable to reciprocate or permit the sexual advances on a toddler so long as there wasn't "aggression?" against them  

Another example: while I find free speech to be very important, I think it's reasonable for a society to consider the impermissibility of some speech in some contexts. Sexual harassment, extreme verbal abuse or mental battering by a guardian, defamation, fraud and child pornography are examples of speech I think a society can reasonably and morally restrict. 

An-caps are always having to pretzel themselves into defending horribly immoral outcomes on the basis of upholding one specific premise unilaterally at all times under all circumstances with no gradation or nuance whatsoever. I disagree that the same principle can be absolutely applied in all circumstances to preserve moral integrity. I understand that you feel differently, and even though I wholeheartedly disagree with you, like thett I can at least intellectually respect your  commitment to an unwavering moral principle -- but I still don't find it useful to most conversations about U.S. law. 


They most certainly are. Government is nothing more than a thesis statement. 
No, unlike Santa Clause, government is a real thing that does not only exist in our imaginations. It is not just a thesis statement; it describes people and policies with actual power and impact over our lives. 

I understand where you're coming from as far as being a contrarian intellectual online and wanting to devalue the entire legitimacy of the U.S. government. And maybe you're right (you're not though lol). But the interpretation of nine government goons has very real consequences for people, so focusing on that is not off base. 

A national/total abortion ban would affect me, not just as a woman generally, but as I started my fertility process last year I was faced with the choice of abortion at some point which I won't get into now. I feel VERY, VERY strongly at a visceral level about this being a legal option for women. The overturning of Obergefell which is threatened by overturning Roe could also impact me, especially if I explore a job opportunity in Miami that would be huge for me and move to Florida. Florida would definitely get rid of gay marriage, so that job is off the table. My wife and I have assets. We own property. We share insurance. We're having kids. Of course my focus is going to be on deference to Supreme Court precedent which dictates these decisions and has real consequences on my life, as opposed to a theoretical universe with no government power over the individual. Cuz I don't live there. 


I'm not ready, yet. I'm fine, here, in Minos' labyrinth.
I'm curious - if your political ideology were to be adapted by our society (and I don't even know what I mean by "society"... I guess it would refer to everyone in the Americas? Or maybe just the U.S.? You tell me) how would you expect a transition from our system today, to a world primarily based on property + individual rights + free market and voluntaryism? "Starting small at the local level?" It's so wild to think about a world like that in practice. Even an-caps disagree with each other on aspects of property and rights, let alone everyone else living amongst each other with competing values and interests + intellectual limitations. Yikes. 
SkepticalOne
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@Lemming
Baptist Press - the newspaper of the Southern Baptist Convention. There *may* be a bias from this source.

While we have some ideas which policies work and which do not (parental involvement law reduces abortion, increased contraception use mostly does not), for most types of abortion restrictions it remains unclear what influence the laws are having.[...]

Does this mean that we in the pro-life movement are wasting our time in seeking more state-level restrictions? Not at all. Even if it could be demonstrated that such laws are not currently affecting the rate of abortion (the likelihood of which we find highly doubtful), they continue to serve an important moral purpose – both now and in the future.
Ultimately, the only thing they are certain of is the power legislation has to push their religious moral views.

Federalist, Author - Lyman Stone, missionary, Research fellow at the Institute for Family Studies (IFS). IFS has ties to the Bradley Foundation which is known to have a highly politicized agenda. There *may* be a bias.

People living in states that restricted abortion would experience enormous declines in abortions.
Statements like this are misleading. Yes, legislation restricting/banning abortion reduce *legal* abortions. Another problem I had with this source is that it did not account for abortion rates in neighboring states/nations. A reduction of abortions in a restrictive place can be easily explained by increased rates in a less restrictive neighbor, and this does happen. When Texas' bounty law recently went into effect, neighboring states reported increased patients. 

I will give him credit for endorsing "giving financial support to parents would indeed reduce abortions". This is not a point usually mentioned anywhere in an anti-abortion article.

New York Times - a fairly well balanced presentation of the facts. 

In September, after Texas enacted the most restrictive abortion ban in the nation, the number of legal abortions performed there dropped 50 percent from the same month in 2020[...]
Rough estimates based on previous research on abortion restrictions in Texas suggest that about half of the women who are unable to get abortions at clinics there end up getting one another way, usually by traveling to another state[...]
The burden of these restrictions don’t fall equally on all women,” Professor Fischer said. “Economically disadvantaged women are going to have less means to travel. While some women will find a way, it won’t be the case that they all find a way.”

The sad part is that those who cannot afford to make a trip to New Mexico are left with undesirable choices: do it illegally or let an unwanted pregnancy become an unwanted child. This is not an acceptable alternative to legal, safe abortion.
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I think it makes sense for abotion to be illegal from the moment of conception. \
As it seems, abortion is a grave moral failing of society, and I am personally yet to a decent argument for it. 

Athias
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@Danielle
Rights are a product of society and culture (government), meaning government which is also a product of society and culture establishes  and enforces those rights. Without a governing body, rights would either not exist or would not matter. 
No such governing body is a requisite. Only the values maintained by and the practice of individuals. The fact that I don't rob my neighbor would be an example of this.

What is the rationale and premise behind your moral view on rights and government? 
Self-ownership; and as proprietor of oneself, one does not recognize any sovereign other than oneself over the behavior of oneself as it concerns oneself . Government interests conflict with that.

And yet it is reasonable to make inferences based on context clues like I said. If my partner complains of feeling very full, and I say "I know you don't want to eat right now," my statement may not be fully known but it is not illogical, not irrational and not irrelevant. You choosing to focus on the epistemological limitations of human knowledge rather than my point (that the NAP is not valuable to me as a pinnacle of morality or U.S. law) seems like a red herring to me. 

Except that wasn't your point. I would not have dared to presume that knowing what is "valuable" TO YOU is beyond your epistemological limit. No one knows what you value better than you do. The point I criticized was this:

Danielle Post #199:
I think you realize that the overwhelming majority of people throughout human history have never lived nor wanted to live in a voluntary society, so I don't find utility in using the NAP as a metric for public policy.
Knowing what the "overwhelming majority" of people want is not within your epistemological limit despite your "context clues"--which are impressions, not empirical observations of fact. This is not a red herring; it's a statement--a statement you cannot possibly refute.

That's the thing: there's a "though" that is reasonable. 
"Though" is my exercising my prerogative to reserve judgement.

That's right. For instance respecting bodily integrity, but understanding why that might not extend to everyone (say, toddlers) is not unreasonable to me. It's reasonable to recognize the distinction and epistemological limitations of people (say, toddlers or the impaired or the insane, etc.) and consider how that impacts their rights, especially if you think rights are primarily a product of a reason. Isn't that why they are uniquely human? Given the significant limitations of a toddler's ability to reason, why would we find it morally acceptable to reciprocate or permit the sexual advances on a toddler so long as there wasn't "aggression?" against them  
This is its own conversation--one I'm more than willing to have. Just not here.

Another example: while I find free speech to be very important, I think it's reasonable for a society to consider the impermissibility of some speech in some contexts. Sexual harassment, extreme verbal abuse or mental battering by a guardian, defamation, fraud and child pornography are examples of speech I think a society can reasonably and morally restrict. 
This is also its own conversation, and my response would also be the same as above.

An-caps are always having to pretzel themselves into defending horribly immoral outcomes on the basis of upholding one specific premise unilaterally at all times under all circumstances with no gradation or nuance whatsoever.
That's what it means to maintain principle, because principles--namely axioms--which inform any moral arguments express essentially 0th ordered logic. So when I asked you "when does one's body stop being one's body?" and you stated, "Never," this obviously came with a caveat, which undermines the statement itself. "An-caps" maintain their premises fundamentally because to subject them to "circumstances" or "gradation" is to render them subject to inconsistency, and thereby, undermine the moral argument itself.

I understand that you feel differently,
It's not about how I "feel" per se, it's about what I can  maintain with logical consistency. For example, the practice/exercise of abortion utterly disgusts me. But I cannot sustain an argument against the prerogative with logical consistency because any opposition would undermine the principle of self-ownership.

ike thett I can at least intellectually respect your  commitment to an unwavering moral principle -- but I still don't find it useful to most conversations about U.S. law. 
What do you find useful as it pertains to U.S. Law?

No, unlike Santa Clause, government is a real thing that does not only exist in our imaginations.
Wait... Santa Claus isn't real?!!!!!!!

It is not just a thesis statement; it describes people and policies with actual power and impact over our lives. 
Government is an idea like society; it doesn't make it "fake," which I wasn't insinuating. But I did state that government was "just" a thesis statement. The rest of the paper has yet to be written.

I understand where you're coming from as far as being a contrarian intellectual online
As opposed to what other kinds of intellectuals?

devalue the entire legitimacy of the U.S. government
The government does well on that front on its own.

And maybe you're right (you're not though lol).
Double-speak?

But the interpretation of nine government goons has very real consequences for people
Never said that they didn't. In fact, I've acknowledged these consequences. I even used the term, consequence:

Athias Post #191:
It should, but unfortunately it doesn't. And that is the consequence of having that which are deemed "inalienable" subject to the interpretation of nine government goons.

A national/total abortion ban would affect me, not just as a woman generally, but as I started my fertility process last year I was faced with the choice of abortion at some point which I won't get into now. I feel VERY, VERY strongly at a visceral level about this being a legal option for women. The overturning of Obergefell which is threatened by overturning Roe could also impact me, especially if I explore a job opportunity in Miami that would be huge for me and move to Florida. Florida would definitely get rid of gay marriage, so that job is off the table. My wife and I have assets. We own property. We share insurance. We're having kids.
So your endorsement and opposition to particular policy is strictly dictated by how it affects you personally? Am I presuming correctly, or are their other considerations on your part?

Of course my focus is going to be on deference to Supreme Court precedent which dictates these decisions and has real consequences on my life, as opposed to a theoretical universe with no government power over the individual. Cuz I don't live there. 
And in what plane of existence does DebateArt.com rest?

I'm curious - if your political ideology were to be adapted by our society (and I don't even know what I mean by "society"... I guess it would refer to everyone in the Americas? Or maybe just the U.S.? You tell me) how would you expect a transition from our system today, to a world primarily based on property + individual rights + free market and voluntaryism?
Governments would be abolished. "Law" would be dispensed by dispute-resolution organizations.

"Starting small at the local level?"
Only at the local level.

It's so wild to think about a world like that in practice.
Why?

Even an-caps disagree with each other on aspects of property and rights
Which aspects?

let alone everyone else living amongst each other with competing values and interests + intellectual limitations. Yikes. 
That is the beauty of a free-market, you are free to seek out your interests.

3RU7AL
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@Athias
That's what it means to maintain principle, because principles--namely axioms--which inform any moral arguments express essentially 0th ordered logic.
exactly
Danielle
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@Athias
No such governing body is a requisite. Only the values maintained by and the practice of individuals. The fact that I don't rob my neighbor would be an example of this.

That is why I said only within a society which recognizes [rights] are they of any value. 



Except that wasn't your point. 
Yes, that was my point. You were responding to me saying "I think you realize that the overwhelming majority of people throughout human history have never lived nor wanted to live in a voluntary society, so I don't find utility in using the NAP as a metric for public policy." I repeat, the NAP is not valuable to me regarding U.S. law. 



Knowing what the "overwhelming majority" of people want is not within your epistemological limit
I've already agreed to that. 



 despite your "context clues"--which are impressions, not empirical observations of fact.
I've agreed, but we do know based on the historical documents and other artifacts throughout human history by means of literature, story telling, media, written publications, tools, weapons, protest, lawsuits, war, riots, elections, polling, art, and other kinds of politicking or demonstration that there  has never been a mass movement calling for individual rights absent of any government.   Voluntaryism has never been a widespread nor common philosophical ideal or moral value through any observable metric we can defer to as far as discerning popular political advocacy.

This was tangential context I was offering about why I don't care to discuss the NAP in this thread (although I have engaged quite a bit about it to my dismay). I don't see the use in harping on this at all as far as our conversation re: abortion. You can dismiss the fact that anarchism has never been a widespread ideal as an irrelevant fact to its moral legitimacy; however, I was not making that claim. I was explaining why the NAP has no use to me as far as relevance to government policy. You've acknowledged that self-ownership is inherently at odds with government, so surely you understand my point that your repeated deference to it  has no use to me in a conversation about how government will choose to exercise its influence through law. This was me saying the NAP is its own conversation--one I'm more than willing to have. Just not here.



This is not a red herring; it's a statement--and statement you cannot possibly refute.
I said multiple times it's true I cannot literally know what the majority of people think or feel, yet I have justified my comment  by explaining that my inference about people's feelings was not only reasonable but irrelevant (a red herring) to my point about the futile nature of discussing the NAP as a metric for public policy. 




This is its own conversation--one I'm more than willing to have. Just not here.
That's fine, but it's very relevant to this conversation. It proves that being human and even being a born human does not mean all should have equal rights and equal status at all times, and there can be justifiable intervention by an outside party in some cases that are nuanced. 



This is also its own conversation, and my response would also be the same as above.
I agree the free speech example is its own conversation and less relevant to this one. It is an interesting topic though. 



So when I asked you "when does one's body stop being one's body?" and you stated, "Never," this obviously came with a caveat, which undermines the statement itself. 
There's no caveat regarding the separation from one's body. I noted that sometimes stewardship is appropriate over other people's bodies despite the fact that one's body is always their own (though I guess that changes after death). 


"An-caps" maintain their premises fundamentally because to subject them to "circumstances" or "gradation" is to render them subject to inconsistency, and thereby, undermine the moral argument itself.
I understand that's your moral view of what is righteous, and clearly I disagree.



It's not about how I "feel" per se, it's about what I can  maintain with logical consistency. For example, the practice/exercise of abortion utterly disgusts me. But I cannot sustain an argument against the prerogative with logical consistency because any opposition would undermine the principle of self-ownership.
Why does it undermine the principle of self-ownership? Why can't a principle have limits and leave room for nuance or gradation, at least as far as governance within a society goes?  Does a 6  year old really have the same agency as a 30 year old as far as moral culpability for crimes and therefore warrant the same punishment? Should a 3 year old be allowed to have a permanent sex change if they express interest? If a two year old does not object to having naked photos of them taken or distributed, should that be something society allows even though prohibiting it is a clear violation of self ownership and free association? The entire purpose of law enforcement / government / societies that people choose to live in and to associate with is to uphold policies with positive consequences and not just a unilateral principle of self-ownership or property. 

The number of examples of where I could see disparate application of rights applied in a given scenario being reasonable and fair -- two very justifiable goals for good governance -- are enormous, and I'm sure you've been presented with many, many examples of abhorrent things you have to defend to remain logically consistent such as no age of consent laws.

I've said we can only legislate morality (perhaps I should have said 'behavior' ) to a degree within limits for the society to reasonably function and justify with consideration and respect to individual rights. I disagree with you that an inconsistent application of premises renders it subject to inconsistency and therefore subsequent moral insignificance. I disagree that people anyone submitting to the concept + force of government necessarily concedes to accepting all government force as legitimate by extension. I'm happy to discuss the purpose of government and morality of government elsewhere in other contexts, but I don't see the point in discussing it as it pertains to current U.S. policy, as I've explained many times now. 



What do you find useful as it pertains to U.S. Law?

The factors and variables that have an actual impact. Even if you're correct (in the sense of logical consistency alone?) that there is no moral legitimacy to the U.S. government and the entire system should be dismantled because of that, the likelihood of that happening and/or my desire for that happening is close to zero. The positions I take are going to be rooted in what's relevant and at stake under the systems we have in place and for which I can only change or ignore to a certain extent. 


Wait... Santa Claus isn't real?!!!!!!
Debatable :) 



Government is an idea like society; it doesn't make it "fake," which I wasn't insinuating. But I did state that government was "just" a thesis statement. The rest of the paper has yet to be written.
Well there is a government in the sense (definition) of having specific people and/or laws in place that people within society are beholden to whether they agree with them or not. The empowered people and policies colloquially known as 'government'  determine how law enforcement interacts with  citizens within society based on all kinds of variables. While I might find the application of laws or governing bodies to be illogical and/ or immoral, that makes no difference as to my being subject to their  power. In that sense, government is not just an idea; it is a body of ideas being enforced in practice. That's why I said "[The NAP is] a hypothetical ideal with a lot of philosophical and practical problems that will never have any  significance in the real world" -- because it is not a thesis with any real world application in terms of law enforcement or government power over my life. 


As opposed to what other kinds of intellectuals?
The kind that are too busy for online forums and have more real world influence than justifies their attention to engage. 


The government does well on that front on its own.
Fair enough, but I'm confident the alternative would have outcomes that make society far worse off in many ways.



Double-speak?
Just being cheeky re: how we are subject to government regardless of our feelings on the matter.



Never said that they didn't. In fact, I've acknowledged these consequences. I even used the term, consequence:
Yes, but you also asked "Because the interpretation of nine government goons 'matters more' than the individual, even if the burden of that concern rests solely on said individual?" implying that my deference to Supreme Court precedent was illogical or misplaced in this conversation. 



So your endorsement and opposition to particular policy is strictly dictated by how it affects you personally? Am I presuming correctly, or are their other considerations on your part?
You are incorrect in that presumption. I never suggested that how something affects me personally dictates my endorsement, so I'm not sure why you would think that.   The reason I brought up personal impact of those Supreme Court cases is to highlight why I would be far more concerned with the processes and procedure of the Congress and  Supreme Court rather than discuss the NAP or the legitimacy of the Congress and Supreme Court to begin with. Whether or not the existence of those bodies is morally just has no bearing on the fact that they do exist, that they are empowered, and they will impact my life, family and livelihood.



And in what plane of existence does DebateArt.com rest?

Some type of black hole time suck. 


Governments would be abolished. "Law" would be dispensed by dispute-resolution organizations.
That's a cute name. 



Only at the local level.
And how would society stop greater alliances or more powerful entities from dominating the smaller, weaker and less powerful? 



Why?

Because I think the way people engage with each other would be even more of a clusterfuck than it is now in terms of trade, labor, property and other disputes. Because I think the outcomes would be very undesirable (unfair, unwise or unjust). Etc.



That is the beauty of a free-market, you are free to seek out your interests.
I agree, that is the beauty of a free market although there is some ugliness to it as well. 








Athias
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@Danielle
That is why I said only within a society which recognizes [rights] are they of any value. 
Great, then we can move past this statement:

Without a governing body, rights would either not exist or would not matter

Yes, that was my point. You were responding to me saying "I think you realize that the overwhelming majority of people throughout human history have never lived nor wanted to live in a voluntary society, so I don't find utility in using the NAP as a metric for public policy." I repeat, the NAP is not valuable to me regarding U.S. law. 

Which part of your statement did I embolden when first addressing your epistemological limit? Why would you assume the statement focused on your sense of the NAP's utility?

I've already agreed to that. 
With the proviso that your impression is reasonable, and it's not.

I've agreed, but we do know based on the historical documents and other artifacts throughout human history by means of literature, story telling, media, written publications, tools, weapons, protest, lawsuits, war, riots, elections, polling, art, and other kinds of politicking or demonstration that there  has never been a mass movement calling for individual rights absent of any government.
Which historical documents, artifacts, literature, storytelling, media, written publications, tools, weapons, protest, lawsuits, war, riots, elections, polling, art, and other kinds of politicking?

 Voluntaryism has never been a widespread nor common philosophical ideal or moral value through any observable metric we can defer to as far as discerning popular political advocacy.
No metric can provide you information on what a majority of people wanted--and yes that includes demonstrations, movements, literature, and all other artifacts yet to be determined. Again, it is not within your epistemological limit. Stating that an overwhelming majority of people don't want Anarchy, for example, would be just as irrational as my stating that they do.

I don't see the use in harping on this at all as far as our conversation re: abortion. You can dismiss the fact that anarchism has never been a widespread ideal as an irrelevant fact to its moral legitimacy;
You have yet to provide information on its relevancy. And this is important: sound reason informs moral legitimacy, not "ad populum" arguments.

however, I was not making that claim.
Until just now.

This was me saying the NAP is its own conversation--one I'm more than willing to have. Just not here.
Fair enough.

I said multiple times it's true I cannot literally know what the majority of people think or feel, yet I have justified my comment  by explaining that my inference about people's feelings was not only reasonable but irrelevant (a red herring) to my point about the futile nature of discussing the NAP as a metric for public policy. 
I'm not investigating the measures you use in formulating your impressions, only the measures behind what you claim to know. And since you've conceded that you don't know, I can point it out to you with the intention of having you adjust your argument--particularly eliminating irrational details.

That's fine, but it's very relevant to this conversation. It proves that being human and even being a born human does not mean all should have equal rights and equal status at all times, and there can be justifiable intervention by an outside party in some cases that are nuanced. 
I'm not suggesting that it's irrelevant. I'm avoiding derailing the topic should we get into, for example, the bodily autonomy of minors. Again, it's not a conversation I'm unwilling to have, just one that I think will inevitably move the subject away from Abortion.

There's no caveat regarding the separation from one's body. I noted that sometimes stewardship is appropriate over other people's bodies despite the fact that one's body is always their own (though I guess that changes after death). 
Okay, let's stress-test this: if a 14 year-old girl wants to have an abortion, should she be able to exercise her bodily autonomy and get an abortion or should she be subject to the authority of her stewards, whether that be her parents or State?

Why does it undermine the principle of self-ownership? Why can't a principle have limits and leave room for nuance or gradation, at least as far as governance within a society goes?
Moral principles are posited axioms; fundamental; they serve as the basis of abstract reasoning. If you subject them to circumstance or gradation, then that is essentially tantamount to the proposition that circumstance/gradation precede concepts which, once again, express 0th ordered logic.What comes before the fundamental? 

Does a 6  year old really have the same agency as a 30 year old as far as moral culpability for crimes and therefore warrant the same punishment?
Look at Florida.

Should a 3 year old be allowed to have a permanent sex change if they express interest?
I wouldn't touch this with a 60 yard stick. But I'll say this: what are you expressing when you endorse the State's authority to dictate how a three year-old expresses him or herself sexually? If the State has the authority to prevent or prohibit permanent sex changes among three year-olds, then why does that authority also not permit them to coerce three year-olds into permanent sex changes?

If a two year old does not object to having naked photos of them taken or distributed, should that be something society allows even though prohibiting it is a clear violation of self ownership and free association?
Again, not with a 60 yard stick. But I extend my query about State authority. Does that authority not also allow them to coerce the distributions of said naked photos?

The entire purpose of law enforcement / government / societies that people choose to live in and to associate with is to uphold policies with positive consequences and not just a unilateral principle of self-ownership or property. 
"Positive consequences" is subject to the interpretation of those who have a stake in those consequences. In other words, what YOU find positive, may not be deemed positive by another. And that's okay, because PRINCIPLE would delineate, for example, that your individual interests and interpretations as it concerns you and yours are subject to the discretion and prerogative of no one other than you.

The number of examples of where I could see disparate application of rights applied in a given scenario being reasonable and fair -- two very justifiable goals for good governance -- are enormous, and I'm sure you've been presented with many, many examples of abhorrent things you have to defend to remain logically consistent such as no age of consent laws.
Because "propriety" =/= consistent moral framework.

I disagree with you that an inconsistent application of premises renders it subject to inconsistency and therefore subsequent moral insignificance.
So inconsistency =/= inconsistency? Even if your argument is that inconsistent application =/= moral insignificance, you have yet to inform the significance much less the legitimacy of this inconsistent application.

I disagree that people anyone submitting to the concept + force of government necessarily concedes to accepting all government force as legitimate by extension.
The focus is not on whether you accept all applications of government force, but that YOU ACCEPT THEIR AUTHORITY to apply it.

The factors and variables that have an actual impact.
Such as?

Well there is a government in the sense (definition) of having specific people
Politicians, police, and military who instill an "idea."

and/or laws in place that people within society are beholden to whether they agree with them or not.
Laws to which people are beholden aren't ideas?

The empowered people and policies colloquially known as 'government'  determine how law enforcement interacts with  citizens within society based on all kinds of variables.
Empowered by what? An idea.

While I might find the application of laws or governing bodies to be illogical and/ or immoral, that makes no difference as to my being subject to their  power.
Powered by the threat of deadly force, which is an idea. The consequences are material, i.e. death, but the influence is still an idea. One could always confront the consequences, thus providing a reprieve to subjugation. Hence, "making a difference." Here's the thing: It doesn't take much moral analysis to examine an organization that seeks death as a consequence to dissent or rebellion.

In that sense, government is not just an idea;
Yes it is.

it is a body of ideas being enforced in practice.
Which ideas? What service does the government actually provide other than pandering to prejudice? Protection? Defense? What would actually be disrupted if the government were no longer present and all public goods and services were handled privately? The only difference, Danielle, is the idea behind it.

The kind that are too busy for online forums and have more real world influence than justifies their attention to engage. 
But if I were "too busy" for online forums, how would you and I be having this exchange where you attempt to qualify my statements and responses by some contrived juxtaposition between "online intellectual contrarians" and "influential real world intellectuals"?

Fair enough, but I'm confident the alternative would have outcomes that make society far worse off in many ways.
Worse, how?

Yes, but you also asked "Because the interpretation of nine government goons 'matters more' than the individual, even if the burden of that concern rests solely on said individual?" implying that my deference to Supreme Court precedent was illogical or misplaced in this conversation. 
It is.

Whether or not the existence of those bodies is morally just has no bearing on the fact that they do exist, that they are empowered, and they will impact my life, family and livelihood.
Once again, what is law without moral economy? What is the reason behind our "should's" and "should nots"? I do not presume to deny that the Supreme Court exists, is empowered, and has impact any more than I would admit that our discussions on this forum have any effect on gubernatorial referendums that concern Abortion.

Some type of black hole time suck. 
So when we're on here discussing subjects and topics, why would the "real world" qualify or modify my statements any more than it would yours?

That's a cute name. 
I know, right? They'd be quite effective, too--as many private mediations are--but don't fooled by their unassuming nomenclature.

And how would society stop greater alliances or more powerful entities from dominating the smaller, weaker and less powerful? 
Why would, as you put it, "a world primarily based on property + individual rights + free market and voluntaryism" have concerns of "great alliances" and "more powerful entities"?

Because I think the way people engage with each other would be even more of a clusterfuck than it is now in terms of trade, labor, property and other disputes. Because I think the outcomes would be very undesirable (unfair, unwise or unjust). Etc.
How so?

I agree, that is the beauty of a free market although there is some ugliness to it as well. 
What ugliness?



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@Danielle
I repeat, the NAP is not valuable to me regarding U.S. law. 
don't start a fight ?

don't invade a peaceful country ?

isn't an "unprovoked attack" universally frowned upon ?
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Why can't a principle have limits and leave room for nuance or gradation, at least as far as governance within a society goes?
because that would turn a "principle" into a "suggestion"
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@Danielle
Should a 3 year old be allowed to have a permanent
parents have a fiduciary responsibility to act in the best-interest of the (citizen) children they have voluntarily taken under their care

up to and until that child is legally considered an adult

this does not "violate self-ownership" and it certainly does not "violate the non-aggression-principle" 
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@Danielle
The entire purpose of law enforcement / government / societies that people choose to live in and to associate with is to uphold policies with positive consequences and not just a unilateral principle of self-ownership or property. 
unfortunately "positive consequences" is certainly NOT what current policy is focused on
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@Danielle
and I'm sure you've been presented with many, many examples of abhorrent things you have to defend to remain logically consistent
you're jumping to conclusions
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 I disagree with you that an inconsistent application of premises renders it subject to inconsistency and therefore subsequent moral insignificance.
(IFF) your version of "morality" is inconsistently applied (THEN) your "morality" dissolves into "whim"
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Whether or not the existence of those bodies is morally just has no bearing on the fact that they do exist,
i'm going to hazard a guess that you never consider changing things that "do exist"
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And how would society stop greater alliances or more powerful entities from dominating the smaller, weaker and less powerful? 
by removing incentives
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@Athias
Great, then we can move past this statement: Without a governing body, rights would either not exist or would not matter.
Rights without a governing body to enforce them upon encroachment or disagreement in society either do not exist or do not matter. I do hope we can move past this. 



Which part of your statement did I embolden when first addressing your epistemological limit? Why would you assume the statement focused on your sense of the NAP's utility?
Why does it matter which part of the statement you emboldened? The reason I know the statement focused on my sense of the NAP's utility is because I explicitly mentioned the futile nature of it in regard to public policy, which I emboldened for your reference



With the proviso that your impression is reasonable, and it's not.
No, I've agreed to the epistemological limit. Then I stated the justification for my inference, and you never explained why inferences are unreasonable or how the reasoning behind my inference was incorrect. 



Which historical documents, artifacts, literature, storytelling, media, written publications, tools, weapons, protest, lawsuits, war, riots, elections, polling, art, and other kinds of politicking?
Almost all of them. 



Stating that an overwhelming majority of people don't want Anarchy, for example, would be just as irrational as my stating that they do.
If you want to keep asserting the totally incorrect position that we cannot reasonably infer what kind of feelings or preferences people have (despite not being able to absolutely know them) based on their outward speech, actions or other demonstration, then that is fine as it is your prerogative to be wrong and mine to ignore it going forward. 



 You have yet to provide information on its relevancy. And this is important: sound reason informs moral legitimacy, not "ad populum" arguments.
I specifically said I was not making a moral claim and I never used ad populum as a barometer for moral legitimacy.  Once again: I was explaining that I live under a government that makes the NAP irrelevant to the kind of conversations about law most people are having, or specifically that I would like to have.  My comment about anarchy not being widespread was  relevant to my point that it is not a system that has any immediate relevance to the governing aspect of my life either now or in the foreseeable future. 


I'm not investigating the measures you use in formulating your impressions, only the measures behind what you claim to know. And since you've conceded that you don't know, I can point it out to you with the intention of having you adjust your argument--particularly eliminating irrational details.
That's fine, though it seems odd to spend time litigating such an insignificant detail to the conversation on abortion limits. 



I'm avoiding derailing the topic should we get into, for example, the bodily autonomy of minors. Again, it's not a conversation I'm unwilling to have, just one that I think will inevitably move the subject away from Abortion.
So does harping on the epistemological limits of knowledge. I should have ignored all of the derailments.  

I wonder: why did you respond to me and dissect my comments line by line in the first place if we have reached the same conclusion on abortion limits? If I had to guess, it would be that you're trying to convince me that the reasoning behind my conclusion is wrong, and that government is inherently immoral in part because it can do things like restrict abortion rights. Yet you haven't come anywhere near close to convincing me that having no state is preferable to a state that criminalizes abortion, which begs all kinds of questions about the purpose and progress of this dialog. 


Okay, let's stress-test this: if a 14 year-old girl wants to have an abortion, should she be able to exercise her bodily autonomy and get an abortion or should she be subject to the authority of her stewards, whether that be her parents or State?
I would say she should be able to exercise her own agency.



Moral principles are posited axioms; fundamental; they serve as the basis of abstract reasoning. If you subject them to circumstance or gradation, then that is essentially tantamount to the proposition that circumstance/gradation precede concepts which, once again, express 0th ordered logic.What comes before the fundamental? 
You should read a really good book on paradoxes. 

I'm not sure how much I want to get into topics like ordered logic or even principles of moral reasoning here. Moral principles can reasonably be subjected to circumstance by way of other moral principles.  There are lots of reasons that egoism has been almost universally rejected as an acceptable ethical theory, and we can discuss why, I just don't feel like it right now. 



Look at Florida.
I have and their policies do more harm than good, especially on that issue.



I wouldn't touch this with a 60 yard stick. 
Why not?



But I'll say this: what are you expressing when you endorse the State's authority to dictate how a three year-old expresses him or herself sexually? 
That there are times stewardship over another person's body may be appropriate.



If the State has the authority to prevent or prohibit permanent sex changes among three year-olds, then why does that authority also not permit them to coerce three year-olds into permanent sex changes?
Because coercing three year olds into sex changes has no reasonable justification or purpose and may cause irreparable harm. However I believe the state should have authority to compel other kinds of surgeries which does have a reasonable justification, such as a life saving surgery that a parent may decline on their child's behalf. 



Again, not with a 60 yard stick. But I extend my query about State authority. Does that authority not also allow them to coerce the distributions of said naked photos?
No, because this too has no reasonable justification or purpose that would on balance warrant subsequent harm. 



"Positive consequences" is subject to the interpretation of those who have a stake in those consequences. 

That's true. 



In other words, what YOU find positive, may not be deemed positive by another. 
Correct. 



And that's okay, because PRINCIPLE would delineate, for example, that your individual interests and interpretations as it concerns you and yours are subject to the discretion and prerogative of no one other than you.
I disagree and don't see how it negates the point of mine you are responding to. 



Because "propriety" =/= consistent moral framework.
Sure. Can you prove an objective moral world order? A concern for strict logical consistency is not the only way of being rational. There is also a pragmatic kind of rationality, where we are concerned with finding the best means to secure a desired end.


So inconsistency =/= inconsistency? 
Typo. It should read "I disagree with you that an inconsistent application of premises renders it subject to moral inconsistency and therefore subsequent moral insignificance."



Even if your argument is that inconsistent application =/= moral insignificance, you have yet to inform the significance much less the legitimacy of this inconsistent application.
You want to shift the conversation to one about ethics? Jeez Louise. Not on a Friday night. 



The focus is not on whether you accept all applications of government force, but that YOU ACCEPT THEIR AUTHORITY to apply it.
They have the authority (that is, empowered with consequences accepted by the society I live in) whether I accept it or not, and yes I do accept it.



Such as?
The Constitution. The branches of government that are empowered over people's lives. Politicians running for offices within those branches. 



Politicians, police, and military who instill an "idea."
Yes, they enforce certain ideas. 



Laws to which people are beholden aren't ideas?
Yes, they are ideas. 



Empowered by what? An idea.
Yes. 



Powered by the threat of deadly force, which is an idea. The consequences are material, i.e. death, but the influence is still an idea. 
Yes, the government is an empowered idea with material consequences backed by force. How does this have relevance to my position on late term abortion again?  

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@Athias

One could always confront the consequences, thus providing a reprieve to subjugation. Hence, "making a difference." 
Yes, we can use deadly force in opposition to politicians, police and military in order to thwart their influence over our lives. In some cases, we should (I implore you not to create another tangential thread asking something like "in what cases?").  It seems like you're trying to convey that it's useful to argue for the legitimacy of the NAP even though it is not a principle that guides our public policies today. I can see why you think that. I still disagree, least of all because getting to that place would likely require some element of violent revolution I couldn't justify at the moment, though I don't think there's anything more to say about it. I'll just add that DebateArt is probs not the most efficient way to spread your message. Very little reach. 


Here's the thing: It doesn't take much moral analysis to examine an organization that seeks death as a consequence to dissent or rebellion.
It actually does, which is one reason the legitimacy of government has been scrutinized to death (no pun intended) by philosophers for millennia. 



What service does the government actually provide other than pandering to prejudice? Protection? Defense?
Both of these things and more. Law enforcement. Public services. 



 What would actually be disrupted if the government were no longer present and all public goods and services were handled privately? 
What do you mean by disrupted? State functions would either be replaced or abandoned. Absent governments there would be other governing bodies overseeing various aspects of society, and imposing some kind of aggression over people who do not consent to their authority (which is often abused) as they are subjected to whatever "dispute resolution organization" is there in place of government by virtue of proximity. We know this... I'm sorry, we can infer this not only based on observable aspects of human nature, but by looking at history and the subsequent consequences of eliminating government. There has never been the kind of an-cap utopian fantasy that exists in theoretical idealizations. Instead government revolutions tend to do nothing more than reshape and modernize the militaristic state.

You can google your little heart out and won't be able to find an example of an anarchist society without some type of aggression. And even if you think you found some examples, you couldn't be sure there wasn't force in those societies. You couldn't possibly KNOW that the people living there never experienced aggression by others or the "dispute resolution organizations" based on a Wikipedia page. But anyways. Some kind of aggressive enterprise always steps up to establish control or power over a given territory. As an example, the mafia evolved from an environment of relative lawlessness. The first mafia bosses were the local managers of large plantations whose owners lived far away. Because of their power, the managers became mediators of disputes, replacing the labyrinthine court systems and nearly nonexistent police presence. When I used to read a lot about anarchist collectives (since I used to advocate for them) I was dismayed to see that all kinds of societies without a State were still subjected to violence, force and other aggression in its place. Hobbes wasn't too far off. 



The only difference, Danielle, is the idea behind it.
Another difference is that some ideas are applied, used, exercised, employed, utilized, carried out -- take your pick of verbiage meaning put into effect -- and some are not.  So while U.S. laws are ideas, and self-governance within the territory known as the U.S. is yet another idea, the latter (being neither current policy nor preference) has about as much use to me in a conversation about impending U.S. law as ideas about how to make a perfect bolognese. 



But if I were "too busy" for online forums, how would you and I be having this exchange where you attempt to qualify my statements and responses by some contrived juxtaposition between "online intellectual contrarians" and "influential real world intellectuals"?
To be clear, you having time on your hands to engage here isn't why you're wrong to want to discount the influence of the Supreme Court. 



Worse, how?
I've already answered: I think the way people engage with each other would be even more of a clusterfuck than it is now in terms of trade, labor, property and other disputes. I think the outcomes would be very undesirable (unfair, unwise or unjust). 



It is.

You're wrong.


Once again, what is law without moral economy? 
Once again, I never said morality should be divorced from the law. Do we really have to get into why ethical egoism is collectively self defeating, or start arguing over the prisoner's dilemma and other stuff like that? There's no way to answer these questions without a deep dive into ethical subjects I have no interest in dissecting at the moment.   


What is the reason behind our "should's" and "should nots"? 
Well if I was interested in dissecting at the moment, we could discuss some theories starting with the principle of nonmaleficence, the principle of beneficence, the harm principle, weak paternalism, the welfare principle, etc., and I suspect we can skip over some propositions like the principle of equality (despite its popularity). 



I do not presume to deny that the Supreme Court exists, is empowered, and has impact any more than I would admit that our discussions on this forum have any effect on gubernatorial referendums that concern Abortion.
That's a good start. 



So when we're on here discussing subjects and topics, why would the "real world" qualify or modify my statements any more than it would yours?
Because ignoring them discounts important variables that are relevant to the conversation about how laws, government and society functions. 


I know, right? They'd be quite effective, too--as many private mediations are--but don't fooled by their unassuming nomenclature.
You cannot guarantee they would be any more effective than state agencies let alone exist peacefully in the first place. 



Why would, as you put it, "a world primarily based on property + individual rights + free market and voluntaryism" have concerns of "great alliances" and "more powerful entities"?
I asked how you would expect to transition from our system today to such a world, which does not indicate I believe that is possible or sustainable. Do you have an answer to my question about alliances and domination over weaker groups? 



How so?
In all the ways that societies without stable governments have come up short. I suspect there would be issues with law enforcement, general instability and a propensity for more oligarchy and injustice. 



What ugliness?
Outcomes with undesirable effects, including but not limited to exploitation, manipulation, market failures and negative externalities. 



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You're all over the place. 


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@Danielle
Rights without a governing body to enforce them upon encroachment or disagreement in society either do not exist or do not matter. I do hope we can move past this. 
You continue to contradict your own statements:

No such governing body is a requisite. Only the values maintained by and the practice of individuals. The fact that I don't rob my neighbor would be an example of this.
That is why I said only within a society which recognizes [rights] are they of any value. 
Which is it?

Why does it matter which part of the statement you emboldened?
Because that was the point I addressed in my response. Not your sense of the NAP's utility; thus setting it apart from the rest of your statement by emboldening it.

No, I've agreed to the epistemological limit. Then I stated the justification for my inference, and you never explained why inferences are unreasonable or how the reasoning behind my inference was incorrect. 
If you've acknowledged the epistemological limit, that alone should inform you of the reason you're incorrect. You claimed to know what a majority of people "wanted" both past and present based of "context clues." Knowing what a majority of people want/wanted is not within your epistemological limit; thus your claim is incorrect.

Almost all of them. 
Which ones? Point them out, and explain the reasons they inform your inference.

If you want to keep asserting the totally incorrect position that we cannot reasonably infer what kind of feelings or preferences people have (despite not being able to absolutely know them) based on their outward speech, actions or other demonstration,
These are impressions, not evidence; unless someone explicitly states or communicates what they want, you have no knowledge of what they want, especially in the absence of an intimate relationship.

 I specifically said I was not making a moral claim and I never used ad populum as a barometer for moral legitimacy.
But tacitly you have. You claim that morality shouldn't be divorced from law, yet also claim that the utility of NAP and Voluntarism has been determined by your impression that most people have not wanted, or do not want it. That is clearly argumentum ad populum.

That's fine, though it seems odd to spend time litigating such an insignificant detail to the conversation on abortion limits. 
We wouldn't have spent so much time litigating such a insignificant detail if you had not spent and continue to spend your time attempting to gerrymander your impressions as legitimate observations.

I wonder: why did you respond to me and dissect my comments line by line in the first place if we have reached the same conclusion on abortion limits? If I had to guess, it would be that you're trying to convince me that the reasoning behind my conclusion is wrong, and that government is inherently immoral in part because it can do things like restrict abortion rights. Yet you haven't come anywhere near close to convincing me that having no state is preferable to a state that criminalizes abortion, which begs all kinds of questions about the purpose and progress of this dialog. 
I was attempting to gauge how "pro-choice" you were. And yes, part of that was gauging your rationales and determining whether they were connected to a consistent moral principle or merely the arbitration of the State. I cannot convince you of what you find more "preferable." I can only convince you of that which is morally consistent--the value of which is to be determined by those who subscribe to and reject it.

I would say she should be able to exercise her own agency.
And why is it important that a minor of 14 years bear the capacity to elide any authority that both the State and her parents might presume as it concerns exercising her agency? Why does maintaining her agency supersede the intentions of the State or her parents?

You should read a really good book on paradoxes. 
Give me an example.

I'm not sure how much I want to get into topics like ordered logic or even principles of moral reasoning here. Moral principles can reasonably be subjected to circumstance by way of other moral principles.
Give me an example.

There are lots of reasons that egoism has been almost universally rejected as an acceptable ethical theory, and we can discuss why, I just don't feel like it right now. 
Oh, we have to discuss: how is egoism a universally rejected ethical theory? (Respond to this question at your own time and leisure.)

I have and their policies do more harm than good, especially on that issue.
A boy as young as 4 years-old was arrested on felony burglary and misdemeanor criminal mischief charges for breaking into and vandalizing a neighbor's shed in August 2010. Does that sufficiently answer your question as to the culpability of 6 year-olds versus 30 year-olds?

Why not?
Okay, I'll answer: yes. If the child is to be dissuaded, then it must be done peacefully, not by coercion. I don't imagine that this would be difficult to do considering the influence parents/custodians have over their children.

That there are times stewardship over another person's body may be appropriate.
Appropriate according to what measure?

Because coercing three year olds into sex changes has no reasonable justification or purpose and may cause irreparable harm. However I believe the state should have authority to compel other kinds of surgeries which does have a reasonable justification, such as a life saving surgery that a parent may decline on their child's behalf. 
This is not about "reasonable justification"; this is about "authority." So I ask, if the "authority" of the State allows them to prevent permanent sex changes among 3 year-olds, why does that "authority" not also allow them to coerce permanent sex changes?

No, because this too has no reasonable justification or purpose that would on balance warrant subsequent harm. 
I extend my argument above--i.e. about "authority," not "reasonable justification."

I disagree and don't see how it negates the point of mine you are responding to. 
Disagree? Which part? Why?

Sure. Can you prove an objective moral world order?
Objectivity is irrational. Hence, I posited "propriety =/= consistent moral framework" as opposed to "propriety =/= objective moral framework."

A concern for strict logical consistency is not the only way of being rational.
A concern for strict logical consistency is the only way of being "consistently" logical.

There is also a pragmatic kind of rationality, where we are concerned with finding the best means to secure a desired end.
Do you know who else are rational pragmatists? Autocrats, War-lords, Dictators, and Genocidal Despots. I'm not criticizing one's sense of pragmatism, only its expression in the absence of a consistent moral framework.

Typo. It should read "I disagree with you that an inconsistent application of premises renders it subject to moral inconsistency and therefore subsequent moral insignificance."
I thought as much.

You want to shift the conversation to one about ethics? Jeez Louise. Not on a Friday night. 
Again, what is law without moral economy?

They have the authority (that is, empowered with consequences accepted by the society I live in) whether I accept it or not, and yes I do accept it.
And what of those who don't accept it?

The Constitution. 
The constitution is a list of notions.

The branches of government that are empowered over people's lives. 
Empowered by what?

Politicians running for offices within those branches. 
Individuals whose authority are maintained by what?

Politicians, police, and military who instill an "idea."
Yes, they enforce certain ideas. 



Laws to which people are beholden aren't ideas?
Yes, they are ideas. 



Empowered by what? An idea.
Yes. 



Powered by the threat of deadly force, which is an idea. The consequences are material, i.e. death, but the influence is still an idea. 
Yes, the government is an empowered idea with material consequences backed by force. How does this have relevance to my position on late term abortion again?  
Yes, so again, how is the government not a thesis statement? What is the difference between a government, and a mafia? The idea. Material consequences are material consequences in and of themselves.

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@Danielle
Yes, we can use deadly force in opposition to politicians, police and military in order to thwart their influence over our lives. In some cases, we should (I implore you not to create another tangential thread asking something like "in what cases?").  It seems like you're trying to convey that it's useful to argue for the legitimacy of the NAP even though it is not a principle that guides our public policies today. I can see why you think that. I still disagree, least of all because getting to that place would likely require some element of violent revolution I couldn't justify at the moment, though I don't think there's anything more to say about it. I'll just add that DebateArt is probs not the most efficient way to spread your message. Very little reach. 
It starts one at a time.

It actually does, which is one reason the legitimacy of government has been scrutinized to death (no pun intended) by philosophers for millennia. 
That's a case of having one's cake and eating it, too. If a philosophy has to spend millennia scrutinizing government before coming to a conclusion, then I'd venture a guess that its tenets and principles are not consistent.

Both of these things and more. Law enforcement. Public services. 
All of which could be privatized.

What do you mean by disrupted? State functions would either be replaced or abandoned
Yes.

Absent governments there would be other governing bodies overseeing various aspects of society
Not governing, arbitrary--i.e. organizations which arbitrate and/or mediate disputes.

and imposing some kind of aggression over people who do not consent to their authority (which is often abused)
Even by governments?

as they are subjected to whatever "dispute resolution organization" is there in place of government by virtue of proximity.
Not subjected. Recommended.

We know this... I'm sorry,
How do you know this?


we can infer this not only based on observable aspects of human nature,
What observable aspects of human nature? And how are governments immune to these "aspects of human nature"?

but by looking at history and the subsequent consequences of eliminating government.
Such as?

There has never been the kind of an-cap utopian fantasy that exists in theoretical idealizations. Instead government revolutions tend to do nothing more than reshape and modernize the militaristic state.
Why do you presume that I'm arguing in favor of utopia? You afford your arguments the latitude of a "pragmatic" yet imperfect government, but my arguments are measured by "perfect" resolutions?

You can google your little heart out
Hey, my heart is big, okay? It's VERY BIG! My heart is so big that they call my father John Quincy Archibald.

and won't be able to find an example of an anarchist society without some type of aggression. And even if you think you found some examples, you couldn't be sure there wasn't force in those societies. You couldn't possibly KNOW that the people living there never experienced aggression by others or the "dispute resolution organizations" based on a Wikipedia page. But anyways.
Is this a response to me, or someone else? Because if you're attributing this preemptive strawman to me, then I would like to know which of my statements suggested that in an anarchist society, there was or would be an absence of aggression--not to mention, my mention of my capacity to KNOW this. And if you have concerns with Wikipedia pages, take it up with them.

As an example, the mafia evolved from an environment of relative lawlessness.
There was still "law." And this is a rather disingenuous account of what happened, or what was "recorded" to happen. The mafie (origin of the term Mafia) were private armies hired by landlords to protect their lands from Spanish bandits (Spain was in control at the time via their viceroys.) That was the 15th century. It wasn't until the 18th and 19th centuries, after the unification of Italy, that the cosa nostra (modern day mafia) would don the name "mafie" as a pretext to extorting Landlords for protections. You're alluding to different periods in time.

When I used to read a lot about anarchist collectives (since I used to advocate for them) I was dismayed to see that all kinds of societies without a State were still subjected to violence, force and other aggression in its place.
Care to share any reference to these materials on anarchist collectives. I'm always looking for a good read.

Hobbes wasn't too far off. 
Hobbes's conclusions were cognitively dissonant and contradictory. Mises had a rather aphoretic and effective response:

"If one rejects laissez faire on account of mans fallibility and moral weakness, one must for the same reason also reject every kind of government action.”

Another difference is that some ideas are applied, used, exercised, employed, utilized, carried out -- take your pick of verbiage meaning put into effect -- and some are not.  So while U.S. laws are ideas, and self-governance within the territory known as the U.S. is yet another idea, the latter (being neither current policy nor preference) has about as much use to me in a conversation about impending U.S. law as ideas about how to make a perfect bolognese. 
Practice is practice; effect is effect; and government is an idea.

To be clear, you having time on your hands to engage here isn't why you're wrong to want to discount the influence of the Supreme Court. 
It isn't relevant at all.

I've already answered: I think the way people engage with each other would be even more of a clusterfuck than it is now in terms of trade, labor, property and other disputes. I think the outcomes would be very undesirable (unfair, unwise or unjust). 
Why?

You're wrong.
How is it wrong? How is precedence of the Supreme Goons opinion over one's individual interest more important than said individual--e.g. one's interests over one's body?

Once again, I never said morality should be divorced from the law.
Doesn't stop you from eliding the subject.

Do we really have to get into why ethical egoism is collectively self defeating, or start arguing over the prisoner's dilemma and other stuff like that?
Yes.

There's no way to answer these questions without a deep dive into ethical subjects I have no interest in dissecting at the moment.   
Don't forget, I'm a contrarian internet intellectual with much more time on his hands than an intellectual with real-world impact, so take all the time you need.

Well if I was interested in dissecting at the moment, we could discuss some theories starting with the principle of nonmaleficence, the principle of beneficence... weak paternalism...
I assume this applies to the medical procedure itself. How do these principles qualify one's right?

the harm principle, ...the welfare principle, etc.,
Yes, where do we start?

That's a good start. 
Did I ever deny that?

Because ignoring them discounts important variables that are relevant to the conversation about how laws, government and society functions. 
Who's ignoring them? Are what "ought to be" is not the same as deny "what is." In fact, I would argue that the former can rely in some part on the latter.

You cannot guarantee they would be any more effective than state agencies let alone exist peacefully in the first place. 
The free-market is always more effective.

I asked how you would expect to transition from our system today to such a world, which does not indicate I believe that is possible or sustainable.
Moral suasion first. No moral society is possible without a moral people.

Do you have an answer to my question about alliances and domination over weaker groups? 
Name a large alliance that isn't backed or sanctioned by government?

In all the ways that societies without stable governments have come up short.
And what are the periods of this instability?

Outcomes with undesirable effects, including but not limited to exploitation, manipulation, market failures and negative externalities. 
Like?


3RU7AL
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@Danielle
You're all over the place. 
i'm just following your lead
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@Athias
Objectivity is irrational.
bingo

24 days later

FLRW
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Vote Democrat unless you make coat hangars.  MAKE COAT HANGARS GREAT AGAIN.
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@FLRW
At least you can get cheaper gas in a red state as you drive to California. Make sure you bring enough for a round trip though, you don't want to be stranded there.
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@thett3
I'll quote myself from another thread:

To me, as a progressive who is truly on the fence about abortion (and completely against anything past the first 3.5 months outside of medical emergency to save the mother), I see the attitude that the left-wing in general and right-wing Libertarians have towards abortion as akin to what the right-wing have to welfare recipients except this is worse; the welfare recipient at least has been able to live their life.

The dehumanisation of a fetus that we do to justify slaughtering human beings in the womb is no different, not one fucking iota different to the dehumanisaton of blacks during slavery or the poor right now today that the right-wing do to justify letting them perish.

If we are to say we defend people truly against abuse for the convenience of the lucky/fortunate, we ought to note that the mother got to live her life out, that fetus never did and is 100% a human being, it's a being and is human.

Would you support a mother murdering her infant as it's too inconvenient for her?

Yes or no.

Ask yourself.

Is it worse to abuse children or adults? Who actually should we protect harder?

20 days later

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I completely agree with you. I feel abortion should be allowed up until the 3rd trimester. According to many studies, the fetus starts feeling pain in the third trimester. Therefore I feel that it is not necessarily humane to abort the fetus considering it has started feeling which makes the decision not only based on yourself. Though I admit in certain circumstances it should be allowed for abortion up until birth. This is what I believe and maybe that belief will change but I wouldn't fully know what my opinion is until I am in a situation in which I do need an abortion.